The Olympics and Political Protesting

I was listening to NPR public radio here in Chicago today and they interviewed Tommie Smith and it got me to thinking about this:

Does anyone here feel that the olympics are a place for political protest? Like when Tommie Smith and John Carlos made the Black Power salute at the 1968 Mexico City Olympics and this year at the Biejing Oplympics with the few Americans they didn't let participate because one of them is against what's happening in Darfur and China's political connection with Sudan. Also with the contraversy with what happened with the Olympic torch as it was being carried into China and China's invading Tibet.

If not to raise issues on what may be the most watched event in the world to make a protest, then where do you stage a international protest?

I personally believe that any Olympics is the wrong place to stage a political protest because the olympics is a time for world unity, in a moral sense...however, what better place to do it in? I mean, sure you can march, you can write to your political leaders ect, but are they really effective ways to introduce your political views to the world?

As for China, I'm glad they are kind of opening up to the world, but even they are doing that in a very very controlled fashion. And it makes you is this Biejing Olympics just in vain because of what's happening in Tibet and in China with their human rights laws? It' a given that they are atleast putting one foot forward in allowing the world into their country, but what does this all mean?

This is a really tough issue.

Can there be unity when oppression is going on? I know the OIC tries to make everything hunky dory every time the olympics rolls around, but I think you believe in a cause you have a right to express it, being an athlete or not.

It's spelled "Beijing."

I think political activists have every right to express their beliefs on the Olympic stage. Athletes may not like it because they feel it detracts from their glory, but I think that's a sacrifice that's worth the attention that can be raised or restored to a lot of vital social issues. What's more important? A shared feeling of nationalism and vicarious success or fomenting interest in a crisis that's in dire need of immediate attention?

As for China, people need to stop analyzing China from an ethnocentric Western perspective. China's sociopolitical situation requires a sensitive understanding of the context of their modernization. They're a country with a five thousand year history of mostly brutal authoritarian leaders and years of economic hardship. For them, their current situation is acceptable for now because China is finally stable and prosperous. I think some degree of political liberation is inevitable, but it will happen slowly and far differently than in a country like the US. I think a lot of Chinese also just want to carefully avoid another incident like the Tiananmen Square Massacre.
[Edited 8/16/08 22:33pm]

I'm down with protests during the Olys, because sometimes that's the ONLY and BEST way to get attention for a cause. If they don't want to be protested, fix the shit people are protesting about. Simple as that. Again, I roll with Malcolm school of thought - By ANY means necessary.

New World Order (NWO) - Bboy87 - Timmy84 - LittleBlueCorvette - MuthaFunka - phunkdaddy - Christopher: Deal with it, muthafuckas!

Jealousy/Of what are we/Becomes tendency/For their thievery

Here's a great on the scene dispatch from one of my favorite reporters:

August 17, 2008
Malcontents Need Not Apply
By NICHOLAS D. KRISTOF
BEIJING

To put a smiley face on its image during the Olympics, the Chinese government set aside three “protest zones” in Beijing. Officials explained that so long as protesters obtained approval in advance, demonstrations would be allowed.

So I decided to test the system.

Following government instructions, I showed up at an office of the Beijing Public Security Bureau, found Window 12 and declared to the officer, “I’m here to apply to hold a protest.”

What I didn’t realize is that Public Security has arrested at least a half-dozen people who have shown up to apply for protest permits. Public Security is pretty shrewd. In the old days it had to go out and catch protesters in the act. Now it saves itself the bother: would-be protesters show up at Public Security offices to apply for permits and are promptly detained. That’s cost-effective law enforcement for you.

Fortunately, the official at Window 12 didn’t peg me as a counterrevolutionary. He looked at me worriedly and asked for my passport and other ID papers. Discovering that I was a journalist, he asked hopefully, “Wouldn’t you rather conduct an interview about demonstrations?”

“No. I want to apply to hold one.”

His brow furrowed. “What do you want to protest?”

“I want to demonstrate in favor of preserving Beijing’s historic architecture.” It was the least controversial, most insipid topic I could concoct.

“Do you think the government is not doing a good job at this?” he asked sternly.

“There may be room for improvement,” I said delicately.

The official frowned and summoned two senior colleagues who, after a series of frantic phone calls, led me into the heart of the police building. I was accompanied by a Times videographer, and he and a police videographer busily videoed each other. Then the police explained that under the rules they could video us but we couldn’t video them.

The Public Security Bureau (a fancy name for a police station) gleams like much of the rest of Beijing. It is a lovely, spacious building, and the waiting room we were taken to was beautifully furnished; no folding metal chairs here. It’s a fine metaphor for China’s legal system: The hardware is impeccable, but the software is primitive.

After an hour of waiting, interrupted by periodic frowning examinations of our press credentials, we were ushered into an elegant conference room. I was solemnly directed to a chair marked “applicant.”

Three police officers sat across from me, and the police videographer continued to film us from every angle. The officers were all cordial and professional, although one seemed to be daydreaming about pulling out my fingernails.

Then they spent nearly an hour going over the myriad rules for demonstrations. These were detailed and complex, and, most daunting, I would have to submit a list of every single person attending my demonstration. The list had to include names and identity document numbers.

In addition, any Chinese on a name list would have to go first to the Public Security Bureau in person to be interviewed (arrested?).

“If I go through all this, then will my application at least be granted?” I asked.

“How can we tell?” a policeman responded. “That would prejudge the process.”

“Well, has any application ever been granted?” I asked.

“We can’t answer that, for that matter has no connection to this case.”

The policemen did say that if they approved, they would give me a “Demonstration Permission Document.” Without that, my demonstration would be illegal.

I surrendered. The rules were so monstrously bureaucratic that I couldn’t even apply for a demonstration. My Olympic dreams were dashed. The police asked me to sign their note-taker’s account of the meeting, and we politely said our goodbyes.

Yet even though the process is a charade, it still represents progress in China, in that the law implicitly acknowledges the legitimacy of protest. Moreover, a trickle of Chinese have applied to hold protests, even though they know that they are more likely to end up in jail than in a “protest zone.” Fear of the government is ebbing.

My hunch is that in the coming months, perhaps after the Olympics, we will see some approvals granted. China is changing: it is no democracy, but it’s also no longer a totalitarian state.

China today reminds me of Taiwan in the mid-1980s as a rising middle class demanded more freedom. Almost every country around China, from Mongolia to Indonesia, Thailand to South Korea, has become more open and less repressive — not because of the government’s kindness but because of the people’s insistence.

I feel that same process happening here, albeit agonizingly slowly. Someday China’s software will catch up with its hardware.

I invite you to comment on this column on my blog, www.nytimes.com/ontheground, and join me on Facebook at www.facebook.com/kristof.